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Friday, March 21, 2014
Low spending of state-coffers deprives taxpayers of economic benefits
To be or not to be: The question of fuel subsidy divides opinions
KATHMANDU, March 20, 2014 : While everyone seems to agree that providing subsidy on fuel puts a big burden on the government, the question of whether to continue with it or of how to lessen the weight while not hurting the poor and the marginalized remains divisive.
In the last decade and half, this has set a trend. The government hikes petroleum prices triggering protests from the opposition parties who disrupt the parliament and then their respective student unions and youth wings hit the streets and burn and smash property.
Last Friday’s decision on the price hike has done the same. Students demonstrated, banda was called on Wednesday in the capital, and parliament disrupted by the opposition for a third consecutive day on Thursday before the government finally relented to mounting pressure for a roll back.
Protestors say that it will not only send public transportation fares up but also have a cascading effect on consumer products which will affect the lower strata of population as well as the lower middle class.
As usual, the government has a different take on it. Again, the government says it is costly to subsidize petroleum by cutting the development budget while the cost of imported fuel has increased due to increase in the price of crude oil in the international market and exchange-rate fluctuation.
According to Nepal Oil Corporation (NOC), its total monthly losses stand at Rs 1.22 billion because of subsidy in different products even after the price hike.
The monthly losses were Rs 1.69 billion prior to Friday’s hike. The country imports petroleum products worth Rs 107 billion annually, which is more than Nepal’s exports put together.
Speaking at an event on Saturday, Minister for Finance Ram Sharan Mahat said NOC should be free to decide the price of petroleum products in accordance to the changes in the international market.
BLANKET SUBSIDY
OR a TARGETED one
Petroleum products like Liquefied Petroleum Gas (LPG) and diesel have become essential commodities.
However, the government’s policies are yet to define essentials and non-essentials, therefore prices are increased without considering the effect on the lives of the common people.
Talking to Republica, former Commerce Secretary Purushottam Ojha said there must be a selective approach that targets for whom to subsidize and on which products.
“As many South Asian countries, including India, have subsidized basic fuel, Nepal too should subsidize LPG and diesel as they are essentials,” Ojha said.
Former Finance Secretary Rameshore Khanal, who is now a leader in Nepali Congress, has been strongly against subsidizing imported fuel. “Subsidy in petroleum only benefits the urban population but the government pays that by cutting the development budget meant for the rural population who can never hit the streets of the capital,”
Khanal says, adding that the idea of subsidizing imported products is not a wise move as it only benefits petroleum exporters. Khanal further says, “It would be wiser to provide free electricity to the people instead of subsidizing imported fuel as electricity is domestically produced.”
TAX ON PETROLEUM:
A PRESSING FACTOR IN PRICE HIKES
The government levies 13 percent VAT on all petroleum products except kerosene and nominal customs duty on all products. Revenue is also one of the major issues that put pressure for price increments. The amount of revenue collected from NOC increased to Rs 25 billion from Rs 8 billion in the last five years.
Former Commerce Secretary Ojha says that the government can specify the amount in revenue on petroleum instead of percentage to keep control on prices, which has shown an upward trend.
Himal Sharma, a student leader aligned to UCPN (Maoist), says the government should waive taxes on essential commodities like LPG and diesel. “LPG is already listed in essential goods, diesel should be made free from taxes as the price is directly related to transportation fares and indirectly to the price of all consumer goods,” Sharma adds.
However, former Finance Secretary Khanal says waiving revenue would be a suicidal approach as it would cut the budget for development works.
“A huge amount of tax must be levied on petroleum products for collecting money for hydropower development, which is the best option for us to wean away from our dependency on petroleum.”
CROSS-SUBSIDY
Since March 9, the government has implemented a dual-pricing system for LPG by ordering the use of separately colored cylinders for commercial and household use in a bid to subsidize LPG only for households.
However the process of making commercial entities pay full price for LPG is yet to be implemented. Subsidy for LPG is Rs 864 per cylinder. 1.5 million LPG cylinders are consumed monthly.
Ojha says that the cross-subsidy policy in LPG will be a strategic move to downsize the burden of subsidy.
SEVERAL STUDIES, BUT NO IMPLEMENTATION
As many as five high-level committees, led by Top Bahadur Rayamajhi, Shankar Sharma, Yubaraj Khatiwada, Bhanu Prasad Acharya and Bhim Acharya, have investigated the fuel economy of the country to find a way to solve the problem. However, the study reports are gathering dust at NOC.
The reports suggested bringing the private sector into the petroleum import business, taking measures to downsize the per-unit cost, and subsidizing kerosene and LPG only for a targeted poor section of the people.
Some steps were taken to implement these study reports, but without success.
A bill was tabled at the parliament for opening up the petroleum supply business to the private sector in 2008, but it could not make it through.
WAY FORWARD
Experts suggest that it is high time we expedited hydropower development, which can be the right move to downsize dependency on imported fossil fuel.
They say that an ample supply of electricity can at least cut down consumption of the LPG and diesel used by factories and other commercial entities to power up their electricity generators.
Data show that LPG and diesel used for generators add up to make about half of the total petroleum consumption in the country.
Besides, it is said that a better road infrastructure can save travel time and, more importantly, increase fuel efficiency.
Khanal suggests opting for alternative sources including expediting investment in hydropower. “We can generate hydropower of 5,000 MW within six years,” he says.
REPUBLICA
Tuesday, March 11, 2014
Nepal's energy future: Too much when it rains, too little rest of the time
| Nepal's energy future: Too much when it rains, too little rest of the time | ||
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RUDRA PANGENI
But that will definitely be the case as NEA projections show that power plants around the country will generate so much electricity when planned and under-construction projects come online between mid-2017 and 2019 that NEA has already started trying to come up with plans on how to deal with the surplus. In fact, according to NEA estimates, Nepal is going to have so much extra electricity supply -- for about 20 hours a day during the rainy season Nepal will generate about 1,000 MW more energy than it can use – that NEA is right now thinking about putting the signing of new deals to buy energy on hold until it can figure a way out. But no one is popping open the champagne and looking forward to days very near in the future when people in Nepal will no longer have to plan their daily schedules around the latest load-shedding routine. As always there is a big but (catch). Nepal will have an energy surplus headache during the rainy season, but that’s it – only during the rainy season. The rest of the year the not-even-close-to-enough energy situation will persist. So much so that during the ‘dry months’, NEA expects Nepal to generate only fourth of the energy it needs. Currently, load-shedding stands at 84 hours per week. While it is less during other seasons, power cut is still round-the-year. In the last few years, the pace of new power generation projects has gone up and NEA has so far signed Power Purchase Agreements (PPAs) with about 120 projects with peak-generation capacity of about 2,000 MW which means that there will be surplus energy during the off-peak hours of the rainy season after July 2017. This has caused NEA officials to rethink signing new agreements with power developers fearing that energy will go wasted and NEA will incur huge losses. The last time the country had an energy surplus was when the Kaligandaki hydropower project completed in 2002. But that was only for a short time. NEA statistics say that figures of supply and demand will meet at a point in July 2017 after the connection of the 456 MW Upper Tamakoshi Hydropower Project (UTHP) to the national grid and the country will enter a new phase of surplus energy when it rains heavily. Add to that the other projects, like the Mid-Bhotekoshi (102 MW) and Rasuwagadhi (111 MW) coming into connection soon after UTHP, and Nepal will reach the day when ‘dump energy’ will reach about 1,000 MW for about 20 hours, or 20 million units, every day during the rainy season by Fiscal Year 2018 /19. Talking to Republica, NEA Spokesperson Sher Singh Bhat put the market price of the dump energy at around Rs 150 million per day. However during the dry months, power houses will only generate one-fourth of the energy when peak demand is forecast to hit 1,906 MW. "The demand forecast figures and the already signed PPAs do not allow us to sign any more PPAs with the run-of-the-river (RoR) projects until there is a reliable market and marketability of the energy to sell the surplus," Bhat says, adding that it would be costly if NEA were to decide to purchase power thereafter. The seasonal imbalance of energy generation owes a lot to the fact that the planned and under-construction projects are only run-of-the-river types, which run in full capacity during the rainy season but comes down to a trickle the rest of the year. If NEA fails to find a market for the surplus energy, some 200 projects, with a total capacity of 10,300 MW, which are under different phase of study will suffer and new energy development work will come almost to standstill. NEA´s rethinking of new PPAs will also affect the promises of political parties in their election manifestos to generate 5,000 MW of energy in the next three to five years to bail the country out of its energy crisis. Their declarations lacked a time-framed electricity generation plan. It is high time to have a comprehensive plan for producing energy that focuses on reservoir plants for balanced energy production. RESERVOIR PROJECTS Only reservoir hydropower projects can bring changes to the current imbalance but there aren’t any such projects likely to be constructed, at least not before 2020. Keshav Dhwaj Adhikari, the spokesperson for the Ministry of Energy, has pointed out that the current problem is a result of over two decades of bad or non-existent planning. "The current energy crisis is because the government kept on just expecting something from the private sector and did nothing after the 1990s." Successive governments took a backseat in energy production and expected the private sector to generate the needed energy after opening the doors to them in the 1990s. The immature private sector never chose to develop reservoir projects as they are comparatively expensive compared to RoR projects. Adhikari is of the view that the crisis won´t be resolved until the government itself makes reservoir projects on its own. The government has initiated plan for Tanahu, Nalisinggadh (400 MW) and Budhigandaki (600 MW) hydro projects. But they are not likely to come online before 2022 even if things go as planned. Speaking at the Nepal Economic Summit on last week, NEA Managing Director Arjun Kumar Karki said the load-shedding can not be eliminated even after those reservoir projects are done. With an assessment of importance of dry energy in the future, NEA has invited applications from export-oriented projects offering Rs 10.60 per unit for dry energy (from December to April) after 2020. But only five projects have applied so far. The current rate stands at Rs 8.40 for dry months and Rs 4.80 for wet energy. ENERGY TRADE WITH INDIA The leadership in the government and NEA put emphasis on the planning of importing energy to meet the demand or at least downsize the current energy cuts. The ideal way would be a Power Trade Agreement (PTA) with India to export the surplus energy during the wet season and import from them during dry months. The Nepali government put forward a proposal on signing a Memorandum of Understanding for a PTA with India in June 2010. However, India has not responded to the proposal yet. Delegates and leaders of India often reiterate that Nepal is rich in water resources and can earn by selling hydropower, but their reiteration has never been translated into reality. “The Indian side has always remained silent on our MoU proposal for years though they often repeat the same thing that the process is on and they are thinking about it,” Adhikari, the energy ministry spokesperson, says. It seems that the country will be waiting for the PTA for a long long time. The President of Independent Power Producers Association Nepal Khadga Bahadur Bisht says that no one has the answer on how to address the energy development imbalance. NEA, the government and the private sector should work hand-in-hand to find the solution, including the PTA with India, to address the current problem of seasonal imbalance and finding a market to sell energy. However, they are yet to develop a cross-border transmission line to exchange any energy. It has been years since the Muzaffarpur-Dhalkebar transmission line was initiated, but little progress has been made. ALTERNATIVE MARKET FOR DUMP ENERGY It would be wise to look for a domestic market to utilize the ‘dump power’ to save the country’s state-run power monopolist from huge losses and make it favorable for the private sector to continue electricity generation by signing PPAs with them. Adhikari suggests encouraging any type of industry that can use the dump energy. Likewise, Bisht is of the view that the country can have cold stores that consume wet energy as well as tariff differences by season to increase the consumption of dump energy. |
Saturday, December 7, 2013
Wild berries work wonders for Jharkot women
RUDRA PANGENI
But things changed when the local Gurung and Thakuri women underwent a training to prepare squash from sea-buckthorn berries that were going to waste. Today, the squash prepared from sea-buckthorn berries is supplied to department stores in capital and other urban centers.
Sri Muktinath Tora Juice Udyog, which is operated by Muktinath Cooperatives, produced squash from sea-buckthorn berries, and supplies the product to market in different parts of the country. The product is retailed at Rs 160 per bottle (500 ml).
The cooperative has 58 women - all of whom are women.
Sea-buckthorn berries grow at an altitude of 3,500 meters or above and are believed to be rich in Vitamin C.
“The fruit has empowered us; we no longer depend on our husbands,” Maya Gurung, secretary of Muktinath Cooperatives, said. “Also, we are not limited to household chores.”
The cooperatives sold squash worth Rs 4.48 million this year. Bhat-bhateni Department Stores is among the leading buyers of the sea-buckthorn squash, according to the cooperatives.
Sri Muktinath Tora Juice Udyog currently employs 11 executive members of the cooperatives including Gurung. They pocket salary of Rs 2,500 per month. All 58 members of the cooperative collect wild berries from nearby forest and sell them to the factory. They get Rs 150 for a kilogram of berries.
Harvest of sea-buckthorn berries start form mid-August.
“All our members get equal benefit,” said Gurung. Twelve liters of juice can be made by processing 15 kg of fresh berries. Local women prepare 200 bottles of squash by using 28 liters of sea-buckthorn juice, sugar and other ingredients.
Food technologist Prof Bhismananda Baidya provided consultant services to the local women in the squash preparation process.
Amar Bahadur Shah, chief of High Mountain Agribusiness and Livelihood Improvement (HIMALI) Project said Baidya played a key role in developing entrepreneurship among local women by encouraging them to undergo squash preparation training some five years ago.
The HIMALI project, which is funded by Asian Development Bank, is providing Muktinath Cooperatives a grant of Rs 4.2 million to purchase bottle blower machine, build a house for the industry, and arrange irrigation for berry bushes with sprinklers and pipes.
“The local women are good at team work. They are united and very much transparent in financial matters,” said Shah. Gurung said that they have targeted to produce 500,000 bottles of the squash worth Rs 20 million within the next five years.
“We have also urged HIMALI to provide gas operated stoves to boil fresh juice so that we can reduce the use of firewood and be environment friendly,” Gurung told Republica.
Genevieve Cahill, agribusiness capacity development specialist of HIMALI, said local women can earn more amount of money by producing oil from sea-buckthorn seeds. “The oil is used in production of cosmetics. It costs Rs 20,000 per liter in the international market,” she added.
Friday, December 6, 2013
Thursday, November 14, 2013
An article matters. It made me nearly a celebrity!
by Rudra Pangeni
I wrote article 'The
next PM' and published on Wednesday, 13, Nov, 2013, I started to get feedbacks
from different sections, from my close friends, acquaintances, my colleagues in
the office. For the person who rarely dips pen for opinion, writing opinion turned
out to be a different experience for me. My news items may have flared wide
range opinions, in some cases, I have met some people using the information of
my news and making opinions, putting their views based on that. But this time
my opinion itself drew much compliments, Mahavir Paudyal and Biswas Baral, the
guys handling editorial pages complimented my opinions. I am really encouraged.
I got a phone call from a friend Chiranjivi Baral, whom I met at The Himalayan
Times, he was at the news desk, who was not in touch for long. I thought the article
made cotacts. Dinesh Thapa, my close friend sent an SMS 'excellent piece' immediate
after reading the newspaper in the morning.
Next day, my weekly off
day, I became ready to listen a youth, in my loitering evening, the youth said,
"You are the same guy having published an article at Republica daily."
I wanted to be more hospitable and enquired about him, I became quite naïve forgot
to ask his name, perhaps I may not know him as he hesitantly removed the mask
he was wearing and again fit into his nose and mouth. He seemed not interested
to tell me except, he lives nearby and a student at Koteshwor this much.
Though, this is not the
first opinion piece I had written, but the photo printed along with article
made a different. This is my first opinion article in Republica, where I joined
some five months ago. The article made me a celebrity!
Though I posted my
article in facebook twice and once on twitter, I did not get any feedback
except a retweet by Saroj Kafle in twenty four hours. Thanks to all my readers.
One more friend Ashish Gajurel came in online to congrat me during my office
hours.
By 2 pm the article was
at the hightest hit list with 317 hits in the online edition.
The NEXT PM, a voters manifesto
The question is: Why do political parties here in Nepal hesitate to project candidates for the post of Prime Minister in parliamentary elections?

Republica
It is obvious that the fresh constituent Assembly election is more important for political parties in terms of power gain rather than constitution promulgation. In the political parties’ ongoing door to door campaign for votes, even voters gave little priority to statute writing, expressing their expectations of development and good governance instead.
Though we are going into a CA election, general people have little or no interest in forms of governance, federal structure, and delineation of federal units. Their concern is development, economic prosperity and stability.
Nepalis have voted in five parliamentary elections in 33 years of democratic practice since 1951. It’s unfortunate that they have been deprived of full-term governments in the long history of parliamentary practice. One of the major reasons for this is the practice of political parties not picking a leader beforehand, who will execute the commitments and pledges made before the election.
A projection of leadership can make more difference than mere commitments and pledges without a person to translate the same into action. But our political parties are hesitant to do so. Announcing a candidate for the next PM is sure to breed a culture of transparency. Our history is proof that a leader at Singhadurbar is more relevant to overall national progress than any particular leader voted in from a constituency. Our country needs a statesman to bail it out from protracted uncertainties and to meet peoples’ expectations for progress.
During the democratic practice in the country, people have felt a dearth of political stability, which is directly related to any particular party gaining a clear majority in the elections. This time, political cadres and leaders are busy trying to woo people for a clear majority, but people are not given any real statesman figure who can change their lives. It seems the parties are not confident enough about their leaders, which is the reason they have maintained their silence in this regard.
For the upcoming election, UCPN (Maoist) has placed a glamorous photo of Chairman Pushpa Kamal Dahal on the back cover of a 53-page political manifesto, labeling him ‘leader of nation’. However, there is no clear statement on whether he is the party’s candidate for would-be PM. Other parties are completely silent in this regard.
Parties display double standards here. They do not declare their party’s prime ministerial candidate when they can, and later participate in shameful blame-game about foreign interference in choosing a PM. A prime ministerial candidate from each party can easily avert such foreign intervention.
Why don’t our parties consider choosing a leader to run the government? The disappointing revelation comes to fore that they are merely a loose alliance of political people, not an institution of unity and firm structure. Intra-party rifts and factionalism are common features of almost all parties.
Some major party leaders are of the view that it’s hard to project a single candidate with consensus. They agree that it has given aliens the opportunity to fish in murky waters.
In Nepal, it is an open secret that foreign intervention is a powerful kingmaker. If the parties announce their prime ministerial candidate, thereby allowing the people to directly cast a vote for the prime minister, the game of king-making would come to an end.
The tricky game of choosing a PM was in full swing after the first CA election. Influential forces were hesitant to hand over the post of the country’s executive head to the Maoist party, even though it had gained the biggest bloc of votes in the parliament. As a result, it took over three months for Pushpa Kamal Dahal to be the head of the government. To discourage the practice, which was repeated several times, parties should soul-search to find a candidate for prime minister before the election itself.
A declared candidate will directly go to Singhadurbar to lead the government, and CA members won’t have to linger on government formation. The CA hall will instead reverberate with the much-needed discussion on constitution drafting. It will ensure that there will be no malpractices of the kind evident in the first CA, and four-party meetings won’t shadow the performance of CA hall.
Otherwise, the fresh CA election may be no difference than the first one that gave birth to four prime ministers during its four year term, wasting much time and energy on changing governments.
In the history of Nepal, there is only one instance of the declaration of would-be PM before the election, and he too became a victim of foul play. In the general election of 1999, erstwhile President of Nepali Congress Girija Prasad Koirala projected the party’s founding member Krishna Prashad Bhattarai as a PM candidate. The party gained a clear majority in the election. Bhattarai became the prime minister, but Koirala himself acted to remove Bhattarai from the government less than a year later. Koirala’s move also resulted in a party spilt.
In Nepal, elections are not primary, the appointment of the PM takes a place of importance, and often renders people’s votes secondary. The parties must project their prime ministerial candidates to make the people’s votes primary, institutionalize democracy, and discourage foreign interference.
The author is a
correspondent at Republica’s Business Bureau
rudra.pangeni@gmail.com
@ http://www.myrepublica.com/portal/index.php?action=news_details&news_id=64445
RUDRA PANGENI
In India, the world’s largest democracy, Congress (I) and Bharatiya
Janata Party have put forth Rahul Gandhi and Narendra Modi respectively
as their PM candidates for the general election to be held next year.
Gandhi is the son of Congress (I) chair Sonia Gandhi, and Modi has a
proven record of accomplishment, having been a successful chief
minister of Gujarat. The question is: Why do political parties here in Nepal hesitate to project candidates for the post of Prime Minister in parliamentary elections?

Republica
It is obvious that the fresh constituent Assembly election is more important for political parties in terms of power gain rather than constitution promulgation. In the political parties’ ongoing door to door campaign for votes, even voters gave little priority to statute writing, expressing their expectations of development and good governance instead.
Though we are going into a CA election, general people have little or no interest in forms of governance, federal structure, and delineation of federal units. Their concern is development, economic prosperity and stability.
Nepalis have voted in five parliamentary elections in 33 years of democratic practice since 1951. It’s unfortunate that they have been deprived of full-term governments in the long history of parliamentary practice. One of the major reasons for this is the practice of political parties not picking a leader beforehand, who will execute the commitments and pledges made before the election.
A projection of leadership can make more difference than mere commitments and pledges without a person to translate the same into action. But our political parties are hesitant to do so. Announcing a candidate for the next PM is sure to breed a culture of transparency. Our history is proof that a leader at Singhadurbar is more relevant to overall national progress than any particular leader voted in from a constituency. Our country needs a statesman to bail it out from protracted uncertainties and to meet peoples’ expectations for progress.
During the democratic practice in the country, people have felt a dearth of political stability, which is directly related to any particular party gaining a clear majority in the elections. This time, political cadres and leaders are busy trying to woo people for a clear majority, but people are not given any real statesman figure who can change their lives. It seems the parties are not confident enough about their leaders, which is the reason they have maintained their silence in this regard.
For the upcoming election, UCPN (Maoist) has placed a glamorous photo of Chairman Pushpa Kamal Dahal on the back cover of a 53-page political manifesto, labeling him ‘leader of nation’. However, there is no clear statement on whether he is the party’s candidate for would-be PM. Other parties are completely silent in this regard.
Parties display double standards here. They do not declare their party’s prime ministerial candidate when they can, and later participate in shameful blame-game about foreign interference in choosing a PM. A prime ministerial candidate from each party can easily avert such foreign intervention.
Why don’t our parties consider choosing a leader to run the government? The disappointing revelation comes to fore that they are merely a loose alliance of political people, not an institution of unity and firm structure. Intra-party rifts and factionalism are common features of almost all parties.
Some major party leaders are of the view that it’s hard to project a single candidate with consensus. They agree that it has given aliens the opportunity to fish in murky waters.
In Nepal, it is an open secret that foreign intervention is a powerful kingmaker. If the parties announce their prime ministerial candidate, thereby allowing the people to directly cast a vote for the prime minister, the game of king-making would come to an end.
The tricky game of choosing a PM was in full swing after the first CA election. Influential forces were hesitant to hand over the post of the country’s executive head to the Maoist party, even though it had gained the biggest bloc of votes in the parliament. As a result, it took over three months for Pushpa Kamal Dahal to be the head of the government. To discourage the practice, which was repeated several times, parties should soul-search to find a candidate for prime minister before the election itself.
A declared candidate will directly go to Singhadurbar to lead the government, and CA members won’t have to linger on government formation. The CA hall will instead reverberate with the much-needed discussion on constitution drafting. It will ensure that there will be no malpractices of the kind evident in the first CA, and four-party meetings won’t shadow the performance of CA hall.
Otherwise, the fresh CA election may be no difference than the first one that gave birth to four prime ministers during its four year term, wasting much time and energy on changing governments.
In the history of Nepal, there is only one instance of the declaration of would-be PM before the election, and he too became a victim of foul play. In the general election of 1999, erstwhile President of Nepali Congress Girija Prasad Koirala projected the party’s founding member Krishna Prashad Bhattarai as a PM candidate. The party gained a clear majority in the election. Bhattarai became the prime minister, but Koirala himself acted to remove Bhattarai from the government less than a year later. Koirala’s move also resulted in a party spilt.
In Nepal, elections are not primary, the appointment of the PM takes a place of importance, and often renders people’s votes secondary. The parties must project their prime ministerial candidates to make the people’s votes primary, institutionalize democracy, and discourage foreign interference.
The author is a
correspondent at Republica’s Business Bureau
rudra.pangeni@gmail.com
@ http://www.myrepublica.com/portal/index.php?action=news_details&news_id=64445
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